Religious Divisions and the Civil War
Historians of religion and the American Civil War have long focused on the differences between the North and South. Many white Northerners held varied opinions about slavery’s morality yet shared a near-sacred reverence for the American nation. In contrast, they condemned the Southern attempt to fracture that national unity. In the South, however, there was a general consensus—rooted in a particular biblical interpretation—that slavery was permissible. Southern leaders even depicted their society as a model Christian nation, complete with an orderly economy maintained by a stratified system of slave-owning elites and a “mud-sill” labor class.
The moral and theological upheaval of the Civil War emerged partly because both sides of the conflict couldn’t reach a unified biblical stance on chattel slavery—a system treating enslaved people as transferable property. This deep-seated disagreement eventually culminated in the war that changed the nation forever.
Divisions Within the North
While the classic North-South cultural split is well known, it does not account for the internal ideological conflicts within the Northern states. Though these divisions were less dramatic than the secessionist rift, episodes of violence among Northerners and the presence of pro-Confederate sentiment among groups known as “Copperheads” reveal that the North was far from monolithic in its views.
In his book Righteous Strife: How Warring Religious Nationalists Forged Lincoln’s Union, Richard Carwardine examines how competing religious nationalist ideologies helped shape the North during the Civil War. As a foremost scholar on religion and politics during the antebellum and Civil War periods, Carwardine also offers insights into President Lincoln’s evolving views, with his previous work on Lincoln’s religious life having earned high praise.
Religious Nationalism in Question
Carwardine’s narrative delves into pressing questions: How did slavery fit within God’s intended plan? Was it the duty of government to abolish this practice to create a righteous nation, or would that effort risk becoming an overreach of religious authority, effectively undermining states’ traditional rights? In the turbulent atmosphere of 1861, these moral dilemmas not only divided the nation but also split Northern opinion. Antislavery religious nationalists clashed with more conservative factions who wished to safeguard the Union while maintaining the institution of slavery.
Even though many assume that Northern support for freeing enslaved people was widespread during the Civil War, Carwardine makes it clear that a significant number of Northern Protestant and Catholic leaders—as well as grassroots Union supporters—viewed abolitionism as extreme and impractical. Lincoln himself, upon his election in 1860, clearly stated that he had no intention to interfere with slavery in Southern states because he believed that constitutional authority over slavery belonged to the states. Over time, however, the realities of war, and his responsibilities as commander-in-chief, led to a transformation in this understanding.
For more than a year following the war’s outbreak, Lincoln maintained that preserving the Union was his primary objective. He was willing to forego immediate emancipation if that meant keeping the nation together. Although his occasional remarks suggested that he believed in white supremacy, progress in the war eventually convinced him that ending slavery was crucial to achieving victory.
Shifting Nationalist Ideals
The issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation was a risky political maneuver. By potentially alienating conservative religious nationalists who favored maintaining the Union without touching the institution of slavery, Lincoln navigated treacherous ideological waters. Carwardine distinguishes these conservative nationalists as those intent on keeping the Union intact, regardless of the slavery issue. By the conclusion of his study, Carwardine even draws comparisons between the Christian nationalists of the 1860s and some modern forms observed in the early 21st century—a connection that may seem forced given the broader array of works exploring the religious roots of contemporary political movements.
Embracing a Positive Form of Christian Nationalism
Beyond these contentious debates, Carwardine also argues that Christian nationalism can take a constructive form when it supports policies centered on moral reform. He shows a clear preference for the type of nationalism that emerged in the 1860s, where advocates believed that abolishing slavery was essential to fulfilling America’s divine mission. This strand of thought held that slavery was fundamentally incompatible with the nation’s Christian ideals.
Among the book’s strengths is its examination of figures like Princeton Seminary theologian Charles Hodge. Renowned for defending scriptural authority against emerging critical biblical scholarship, Hodge held a nuanced position on slavery. While his direct reading of scripture offered little reason to condemn slavery abstractly—and though he himself was a slave owner with many Southern protégés—Hodge was uncompromising in his criticism of the inhumane practices of chattel slavery. He deplored how slave owners arbitrarily tore apart families and barred enslaved individuals from engaging with the Bible, fearing that such exposure might ignite subversive thoughts about liberty.
Hodge also exemplified the era’s nationalist spirit. He viewed the Confederate effort to secede as both paranoid and misguided. Initially opposed to abolitionism and supportive of a cautious approach to preserving the Union, Hodge eventually backed Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation as a measured wartime necessity. Although he warned that making emancipation the sole war aim could deepen internal divisions and spur radical social change, he ultimately saw the proclamation as a limited, executive action—a tactic that allowed him to transition from an anti-emancipation stance to one supporting gradual abolition.
The Ongoing Debate Over America’s Moral Identity
In the final analysis, Carwardine offers critiques of contemporary trends, commenting on how modern evangelical churches sometimes foreground a narrow racial identity. While such remarks might be off-putting to some readers, the book remains a valuable resource for those interested in the discussion of Christian nationalism. Since the nation’s founding, Christian ethics have significantly influenced American law and culture, even though the Constitution has always emphasized religious freedom over the creation of a formally “Christian nation.”
Throughout American history, appeals to Christian values have been marshaled on both sides of critical political debates. Regardless of how one views modern iterations of Christian nationalism, Carwardine’s work serves as a reminder of the profound impact that leaders like Lincoln have had when they invoked the nation’s higher calling and its capacity toward moral progress.
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